The TIME magazine cover story, Rescue Mission

Released on = April 9, 2006, 12:12 am

Press Release Author = Patricia Ovemarrie, News2006

Industry = Media

Press Release Summary = TIME magazines current issue is already in circulation. It
was already known that in the Asian edition of TIME, Bangladesh comes as the cover
story. Many of the international media will try and take excerpts from the contents
of this story, and we can only hope that, most of them will use these for producing
positive ones for Bangladesh.

Press Release Body = TIME magazines current issue is already in circulation. It was
already known that in the Asian edition of TIME, Bangladesh comes as the cover
story. Many of the international media will try and take excerpts from the contents
of this story, and we can only hope that, most of them will use these for producing
positive ones for Bangladesh. It was extremely unfortunate for Bangladesh that in
past it got lots of bad campaigns in the western media. Name any of the big
newspapers in the West. They are just looking for any loophole in governance or
economic growth in this small nation in South Asia. They are rather reluctant in
publishing anything good about Bangladesh, for reason unknown.
The fact that Time magazine was running a cover story on Bangladesh had not been a
very well-kept secret, nor was the fact that, after what seemed to be a long line of
negative stories, that the current one portrayed Bangladesh, and the alliance
government, in a very positive light.

It may be recalled that the writer of the report titled 'Rebuilding Bangladesh',
Alex Perry was the man who published another article in 2002 titled 'Deadly Cargo',
in which he depicted Bangladesh as a safe haven for Islamic terrorists, including
In 2004, the government again had a similarly infuriated response to the Time
magazine piece \"State of Disgrace\" that painted a certainly one-sided but in truth
depressingly accurate picture of the extortion, toll collection, and other
lawlessness rampant in Bangladesh.

The Bangladesh foreign ministry poured scorn upon the piece and issued a rejoinder,
suggesting that it had been a politically motivated hit-job aimed at undermining the
country, and pointing the finger of accusation across the border:

\"The timing of the report, the sources quoted its narrow focus and harsh conclusions
point to a highly motivated report. It follows upon the heels of another slanted
story \"Deadly Cargo\" by Alex Perry, which sought to smear Bangladesh as a radical
Islamic fundamentalist state. Is it an odd coincidence that both the correspondents
were based in New Delhi?\"
What has always been interesting about the government response to negative stories
in the international media is the rather far-fetched belief that the stories are
some kind of diabolical conspiracy against the government hatched by its enemies.
It is not enough to accuse the publications concerned of shoddy or sensationalistic
coverage, which in fact is often the principal reason behind poor or incomplete
reporting, but it must also accuse them of being part of a coordinated plot to
discredit the government, and by extension, the country.

Why Time magazine, or The New York Times or the Far Eastern Economic Review for that
matter, would be part of an anti-Bangladesh conspiracy has always remained unclear.
Hopefully, the recent cover story will have at least have had the effect of removing
Time magazine from the sin of publishing bad reports on Bangladesh, most of which
were, unfortunately too motivated and biased..

It is a distinction of sorts, to be the cover story of the popular American weekly
'Time' magazine. A subject qualifies to be selected for this on the basis of
topicality and importance. It can be a success story, a catastrophe or a combination
of both. Bangladesh made it to the cover of 'Time' for things both good and bad.
Even then, the right balance has not been struck, it seems. While some issues have
been highlighted, others, equally important, are missing or have been underplayed.
In his story titled 'Rebuilding Bangladesh', Alex Perry wrote, As Lutfozzaman Babar,
Bangladesh\'s Home Minister, tells it, the call he\'d been awaiting for months came at
3 a.m. on March 6 while he was grabbing some sleep in a Singapore hotel during a
whistle-stop tour of Asia. \"It\'s him, it\'s Bangla Bhai,\" came the voice of a
commander in the Rapid Action Battalion (R.A.B.), Bangladesh\'s lite antiterror
squad. \"He\'s surrounded.\" Babar, the leader of a government drive to rein in Islamic
militancy, was instantly awake. \"Don\'t shoot! Don\'t shoot!\" he urged. \"We need him
alive. We need to know what he knows.\"
Bhai, whose real name is Siddiqul Islam, was the prime target in the government\'s
crackdown on terrorism. A veteran of the mujahedin war against the Soviets in
Afghanistan who later drifted through the Middle East as a nightclub bouncer, Bhai
had returned to Bangladesh to help found two extremist groups. Over the past three
years, he was believed to be a central figure behind a host of bombings,
assassinations and suicide attacks that culminated last Aug. 17 in 500
near-simultaneous explosions across the country. It wasn\'t a surprise, then, to find
that Bhai had no intention of meekly surrendering. When an R.A.B. officer opened the
door of the house where Bhai was hiding in the northeastern village of Rampur, Bhai
opened fire with a pistol, grazing the man\'s temple. Then, with the house
surrounded, Bhai detonated a bomb inside, apparently hoping to kill himself and his
assailants; he succeeded only in setting fire to the house. Looking charred and
raw-skinned, he was led out of the burning building and pushed into a waiting truck.

Babar put in a triumphant call to the secure red phone in Prime Minister Khaleda
Zia\'s office. \"She was very excited,\" he recalls. She still is. In an interview with
TIME, Zia purrs over how the war against radical Islamists is going. \"We\'ve broken
their back,\" she says. \"We will catch all of them. They\'ll get life sentences, or
Zia can be forgiven for a little crowing. At the best of times, governing Bangladesh
is one of the toughest political challenges on earth. Its 144 million people are
crammed into a country the size of New York State, with 70 million of them living on
less than $1 a day. As the world\'s biggest delta, Bangladesh is also plagued by
floods and cyclones, and by the steady poisoning of tens of millions of people who
drink water contaminated by naturally occurring arsenic.
Man hasn\'t done Bangladesh many favors either. The country was born from the ruins
of East Pakistan 35 years ago after a war of independence in which India-backed
nationalists-unhappy at being ruled from what was then West Pakistan-fought
Islamists loyal to Islamabad. Three million people were slaughtered in eight months
before the Pakistanis conceded. Those were the days before truth and reconciliation
commissions and international criminal tribunals, and the world left Bangladesh
largely alone to heal and rebuild. Success has been limited. Democracy is strangled
by a poisonous political war between Zia\'s right-of-center Bangladesh National Party
(B.N.P.) and the left-leaning Awami League. Rejecting any notion of bipartisanship,
both parties seem to keep the nation perpetually on the verge of chaos, alternating
between state repression or crippling national strikes aimed at toppling the
government, depending on who is in power. With politics often reduced to little more
than a big brawl, violence infects much of daily life. Gangs armed with barbers\'
razors roam city streets, extortion is widespread, beatings are routine. A TIME
reporter who traveled to Rajshahi to interview a lawyer found on arrival that the
man had been murdered. Bangladesh\'s courts, police and bureaucracy, moreover, are so
weak that the country has come last in Transparency International\'s world corruption
index five years in a row. Zia\'s most popular initiative has been forming the
R.A.B., a police force that draws support in part for its willingness to kill. \"It\'s
been a crazy few years since I\'ve been here,\" says Larry Maramis, the U.N.
Development Program\'s deputy resident representative. \"The country could easily have
fallen into being labeled a failed state.\"
The scale of the Aug. 17 blasts-when hundreds of bombs were detonated in an
hour-demonstrated how close Bangladesh could have come to falling apart. The
ingredients for disaster were all there. While the country was founded on secular
principles, a Western diplomat in Dhaka says it \"has become noticeably more pious in
the last few years\" due to an explosive growth in radical madrasahs funded by Middle
Eastern charities. It doesn\'t help that Bangladesh lies on a gun-smuggling route
from East Asia; in April 2004, police discovered a boat in the southern port of
Chittagong unloading enough AK-47s, grenades and ammunition to fill 12 trucks that
were presumably destined to deliver the ordnance to insurgent groups in Bangladesh
and possibly beyond. Responding to scattered reports of Islamic fighters from
overseas using Bangladesh as a safe haven, the then U.S. State Department
coordinator for counterterrorism, Cofer Black, warned in the fall of 2004 that the
country could become a \"platform to project terror.\"
Until the August bombings, however, Zia\'s government had denied the presence of
Islamic extremists in Bangladesh. The opposition accused her of avoiding the issue
because two hard-line Islamic parties, the Jamaat-i-Islami and Islami Oikya Jote,
were partners in her ruling coalition. Zia insists the government\'s inaction was
merely due to a lack of information. \"We did not know they were there,\" she says of
the militants. \"After the Aug. 17 bomb blasts, we knew.\"
And they acted. Zia made combating the insurgency the defining mission for Home
Minister Babar and the R.A.B., formed in 2004 from 9,000 top officers in the
military and police. The Bangladeshi authorities solicited forensic help from the
FBI and Scotland Yard, which was particularly interested in a May 2004 bomb attack
that injured British High Commissioner Anwar Chowdhury; the R.A.B. also exchanged
information with Interpol and Western intelligence agencies. Meanwhile, Zia
demanded, and received, public support for an antiterror drive from Bangladesh\'s
religious leaders and from her Islamist coalition members. The government also
targeted bank accounts operated by suspect Islamic foundations in order to cut off
funding to terrorists.
In addition to Bhai\'s capture, this antiterrorism campaign has led to nearly 1,000
arrests over the past eight months. Five of the seven top leaders of one terror
group, the Jama\'atul Mujahideen Bangladesh, have been caught, including Bhai\'s
alleged co-conspirator Sheikh Abdur Rahman. Only two months ago, says the Western
diplomat, \"I was telling people back home it was just a matter of time before we had
the first car bomb or first attack on a foreigner.\" The \"nightmare scenario that
could have unhinged the entire country,\" he adds, was for terrorist attacks to
escalate during what is already expected to be a tense general election in early
2007-but that now seems \"pretty remote. What we\'re seeing looks like the implosion
of the entire [militant] organization.\"
Bangladesh, dubbed in the 1970s by Henry Kissinger as a \"bottomless basket,\" is
making surprising progress on other fronts, too. According to the U.N.D.P., the
country now scores higher than neighbor India on several key barometers of social
development, such as infant mortality, child vaccination, and employment of women-a
striking turnaround over the past decade or so. The country\'s much-praised
microcredit scheme, operated by the Grameen Bank, has lent an average of $120 each
to 5.8 million people. And the government says 100% of young children are now
enrolled in primary school, and that girls at last have equal access to
education-goals that Zia, as a woman leading a conservative Muslim nation, had made
a priority. \"If we want to progress as a country, to remove poverty and spread
awareness of family planning, we have to give [girls] equal rights,\" she explains.
The economy is looking up, too. GDP has grown by at least 5% for three years
running, and the Asian Development Bank predicts that growth will hit 6.5% in 2006.
Foreign direct investment rose from $138 million to $454 million in the first six
months of last year compared to the same period the previous year. The number of
cell-phone users rose by 144% in a year. And Goldman Sachs has rated Bangladesh as
one of 11 developing nations that, in the long term, could emulate the success of
China, India, Brazil and Russia. Mahmudur Rahman, Zia\'s executive chairman of the
Government Board of Investment, can scarcely hide his delight, describing
Bangladesh\'s recent economic success as \"nothing short of a miracle.\"
That might be overstating it. But Christine Wallich, World Bank country head, says
that in the past 12-18 months international opinion has indeed gone through a sea
change. Bangladesh, she says, is now seen as \"the little engine that could.\"
Dramatic proof of that comes in plans by India\'s biggest business group, Tata, for a
$2.5 billion investment in Bangladesh in steel, gas, coal and power. If it proceeds
as planned, that would exceed the total foreign direct investment the country has
attracted since independence. Wallich says the effect on Bangladesh of such a vote
of confidence would be \"transformative.\" Group chairman Ratan Tata says that while
the deal makes good business sense, he hopes it could also kick-start the country.
\"If somebody doesn\'t make a move,\" he told TIME, \"Bangladesh will always remain
where it is today. Somebody has to make a leap of faith.\"
Salim Chaklader, 45, is part of the rising tide of Bangladeshis who have escaped
from subsistence living and joined the happier ranks of the urban middle class. Born
in a village outside Dhaka, he and his family moved to the capital in 1973 and set
up a shop importing cloth from Thailand and China. The family now has six shops and
40 employees, and Chaklader hopes to send his two sons, 18 and 16, to university.
\"We\'re pretty confident of the future,\" he says. His conviction is echoed by Alan
Rosling, executive director of Tata Sons and a prime mover behind Tata\'s investment
in Bangladesh. \"There is poverty,\" he says, \"but there\'s also a fast-developing
middle class, which makes it an attractive market. People tell us we\'re taking a big
risk. But we\'ve had a long, hard look at Bangladesh and while, yes, there are
issues, there\'s nothing we see there that we don\'t see in most countries.\"
Rosling, deep in negotiations with the government over Tata\'s investment, is coy
about specifying the \"issues.\" Chaklader is less diplomatic. None of his confidence
in the country\'s future, he says, derives from its political leadership: \"It\'s small
businessmen like me that boost growth. I\'ve given a living to 40 families. The
politicians just get rich.\" To the average citizen, claims Chaklader, the primary
function of the state can seem to be extracting bribes. \"I pay a $30 bribe for a
telephone line. I pay another $50 bribe for my trading license. When I put my
children in school, I had to give a $100 \'donation.\' These are not people that are
thinking about the progress of the country.\" Chaklader fingers corruption, and the
sharply uneven development that accompanies it, as the main cause of militancy. The
swanky new apartment blocks, gelato houses and Thai restaurants in Gulshan, Dhaka\'s
smartest neighborhood, he says, are a cause of frustration and alienation for many
less fortunate Bangladeshis. Indeed, Jamaat-i-Islami explicitly appeals to that
dissatisfaction in its party literature, casting its leaders as \"honest men\" working
for a more equitable distribution of wealth. \"A lot of people are deprived,\" says
party spokesman Mohammad Kamruzzaman, \"and so our support is increasing.\"
The bilious feud between Bangladesh\'s two leading women also hobbles the country.
Asked about the hostility between her and Awami League leader Sheikh Hasina, Zia
replies: \"Ask her.\" For her part, Hasina accuses Zia of everything from staging \"a
drama\" with the militant arrests to secretly being behind an attempt to have her
assassinated in 2004 when a bomb killed 22 people at an Awami League rally. Politics
in Bangladesh has always been a highly personal and perilous blood sport. Zia\'s
husband, former President Ziaur Rahman, was assassinated in May 1981; Hasina\'s
father Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, leader of the independence movement and the nation\'s
first free government, was killed along with much of her immediate family in a
military coup in 1975.
This history of personal tragedy has intensified the distrust and recriminations
that characterize Bangladeshi politics. In March, Zia took a TIME correspondent by
helicopter to a public rally at Pabna, a town west of Dhaka, to witness the popular
support she attracts. The crowds were indeed impressive, even adoring, throwing
themselves over fences, spilling into rivers and falling out of trees as they raced
to catch a glimpse of the Prime Minister. But the day was also notable for the
extravagant venom of Zia\'s speeches. She accused Hasina\'s party of bringing
terrorism to Bangladesh, running a national network of criminal \"godfathers,\" and
being linked to the arrested militant leaders. In an interview the previous night at
her home in Dhaka, Hasina spoke of Zia as the mastermind behind the Islamist
conspiracy-\"it\'s her baby,\" she said-and accused her Bangladesh National Party of
torture, murder and rape. Needless to say, each of the women dismisses the other\'s
The price of this political hatred is incalculable because the instability spills
over into the economy. \"It\'s the single biggest issue holding back development,\"
says the World Bank\'s Wallich. Even the Board of Investment\'s Rahman agrees: \"The
intensity of the political rivalry is definitely hurting the nation.\" It erodes
faith in state institutions, which are co-opted into the fight at the expense of
governance. The gloves-off bitterness also makes almost anything acceptable in
Bangladeshi politics. Both the B.N.P. and the Awami League employ violent student
wings, and both parties have wooed fundamentalists over the years to help defeat the
opposition. Many B.N.P. members even allied themselves publicly with Bangla Bhai in
his earlier days when he became an underworld hero by allegedly killing
extortionists operating in the country\'s lawless western badlands. Asked about these
embarrassing links, Home Minister Babar is visibly uncomfortable: \"You have to
understand that this was only local criminal activities. Bangla Bhai was fighting
criminals. It wasn\'t jihad then.\"
Perhaps the biggest cost of the political feuding is that 35 years after its bloody
birth, the country\'s tortured soul remains unhealed. Neighbors, colleagues, even
members of the same family who support different parties commonly refuse to speak to
one another. Truth is often lost in the chasm between these divisions. Depending on
who you talk to, the arrest of a journalist is an attack on press freedom or the
welcome detention of a professional blackmailer; a new flood-defense project is
evidence of good governance or of pork-barrel corruption; even tax evasion can be
hailed as a good thing if it keeps the money out of a particular government\'s hands.

Bangladesh may never truly leave behind this legacy of bloodshed, corruption and
distrust. But in what was once one of the sorriest places on earth, there is new
hope. From the slow but marked gains in foreign investment to Zia\'s decision to
fight Islamic militancy head-on, Bangladesh has achieved progress that few
outsiders, or even Bangladeshis, believed possible a few years ago. \"All we need,\"
says University of Dhaka Professor of Economics Abul Barkat, \"is five years of good
governance, and we\'d be away.\" Surely no nation ever deserved it more.
TIME also published an interview of Bangladesh Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia,
where they wrote, Bangladesh\'s Prime Minister Khaleda Zia entered politics after the
1981 assassination of her husband General Ziaur Rahman. In a rare interview with
Western journalists, Zia, 60, talked to Time\'s William Green and Alex Perry in Dhaka
about corruption, her political nemesis and her campaign to crush the threat of
militant Islam. This is the extended transcript of that interview.
Tell us about the crackdown on Bangladesh\'s Islamic insurgency.
Zia: We have arrested so many. There are two or three big leaders left. We will get
everybody. It\'s possible because people are with us. Even religious leaders are not
supporting them. We have broken their back.
How big a factor was pressure from abroad?
Zia: We have very good relations with the FBI, the U.S. and Interpol. We are working
together. But this is from me. I told my home minister to catch all these people.
They are terrorists. They are using the name of Islam, but they are not good
You took a while to act.
Zia: We did not know they were there. After the August 17 bomb blasts, we knew. And
we cracked down on them. Some leaders face a death sentence. Many have been given 40
years in jail. [But] Bangladesh is not a rich country, my priority is health and
education, and we do not have the technology. The terrorists have modern weapons,
but the police did not.
Does having hardline Islamic parties in your coalition compromise your position?
Zia: Our allied parties are fine. They know we have to catch the terrorists.
People say members of your Bangladeshi National Party had links with [insurgent
leader] Bangla Bhai.
Zia: Only the opposition says this. There are no B.N.P. members [involved]. If
anybody is involved, not only B.N.P. members, but anybody, we will take action.
Opposition leader Sheikh Hasina told us the insurgency was your \"baby\"?
Zia: No, no, it\'s not my baby. It\'s their baby. When I took over, the country\'s
law-and-order situation was very bad. People were very afraid. Nobody could sleep.
Nobody could come out of their homes. We inherited terrorism from them.
Why the mutual hostility with Hasina?
Zia: It\'s not mutual. I want to be friends. I\'d be very happy to meet her. We have
to [be] together [to] resolve problems. I wrote a letter. But she did not receive
it. If she really wants to cooperate, tell her she can come. But if she does not
want to, I cannot help it.
Where does this friction come from?
Zia: Ask her.
That\'s what she says.
Zia: Many times I have invited her, but she did not turn up.
She says the difference between the two of you is ideological, not personal.
Zia: That means she does not believe in democracy. I believe in democracy, and in
democracy we sit and talk to everybody.
Do you think the deadlock stymies development?
Zia: We\'re not fighting, we\'re working. We have many development programs. If you go
to the countryside, you\'ll see good roads, bridges, homes, electricity, women\'s
education. I am doing all these things. [Our] development work is not hampered. But
when [the opposition] calls countrywide strikes, despite promising not to, then
development will be hampered. I can\'t do anything about that.
What about corruption?
Zia: After people come to Bangladesh, they [realize] the law and order situation is
[actually] very good. This is all propaganda against Bangladesh. There are some
disgruntled newspapers and journalists doing this. TIME magazine also, you did the
same thing. If Bangladesh is so bad, how come Bangladesh is doing so well in health
and education? How come so much investment is coming? Our growth rate is 5.8%.
Everywhere in Bangladesh, [people] lead a good life. Nobody goes without food or
clothes. Everybody has access to education. They get proper health care. There is no
hunger. What else do you want?
As a woman in an Islamic country, is women\'s education important to you?
Zia: Girls\' education is very important. If we want to progress as a country, if we
want to remove poverty, if we have to spread awareness of family planning and bring
down population growth, we have to educate them, give them equal rights. Women have
to prove that they are no less than men. I am trying to end [the] dowry [system].
That will only happen when women start working as professionals. Our country is
conservative, but people have accepted my programs. People accepted me. This is big.

You smile when you say that.
Zia: I want to do something for the people of my country. Especially women and
children. People will remember me for that.
Your entry into politics was under unfortunate circumstances.
Zia: When my husband was killed, I did not get involved. I did not want to. But
party leaders started consulting me and I had to join due to public pressure, and
when the army was ruling our country. It\'s very hard to be in politics in our
country, but I got people\'s support. It\'s exactly the same [with my son]. People
want him.
Bangladesh isn\'t the easiest country to govern, either.
Zia: I am a human being. [Sometimes] I feel like giving up. But people have shown
their trust in me, I can\'t let them down. You always have to connect with the people
to be in power.
How do you beat the stress?
Zia: Nowadays, I am grandmother. I have three grand-daughters. I get some time to
look after my garden. I look after my house too.
The interview of Begum Zia shows clearly about her firm commitment to combat
Islamist militants. She is not going to spare anyone, who would use the good name of
Islam for terrorism. This is something many of the Muslim nations needs to learn.
Bangladesh being one of the poorest nations in the world has successfully shown the
courage and commitment in eliminating Islamphobia. Everyone will agree, this is not
any simple task. Even look into the remarks by the advisor of Board of Investment,
who scarcely hided his delight, describing Bangladesh\'s recent economic success as
\"nothing short of a miracle.\" Or, may be the most effective figure in Bangladesh
cabinet, Lutfuzzaman Babar. The young and most dynamic home minister is working
tirelessly to combat terrorism and Islamist radicals, while he is living personally
a very low profile life. He is not hungry for press coverage or playing drums to
promote his success stories. Even a child in the country is aware of the excellent
achievement of Rapid Action Battalion, an elite force lead by Babar. When Khaleda
took over power from Bangladesh Awami League in 2001, the entire country was
virtually under the garb of notorious crime and terrorism. Extortion was almost
becoming as main source of income for some section of derailed people. But, Babar
was the man to crack down these elements. He did not think twice even to arrest an
MP belonging to the ruling party, for alleged involvement in extortion. After the
establishment of RAB, country's law and order situation has greatly improved. Now,
people are leaving the breath of relief.

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